House Votes Down Military Aid Cut to Colombia
by Travis Wheeler
on July 05, 2005
On June 28, the House of Representatives voted down an amendment that would have cut $100 million in military aid to Colombia. Instead, Plan Colombia will now be extended into 2006, providing the Colombian military with another $742 million of U.S. assistance. The McGovern-McCollum-Moore amendment went to the House floor as part of the Foreign Operations Appropriations bill, the legislation that determines the foreign aid budget each year. After a heated, hour-long debate, it was defeated 189-234.
Despite losing the vote, the amendment and the debate are significant in the struggle against Plan Colombia. Colombia was by far the most hotly debated issue on the foreign operations bill. This shows Plan Colombia has become controversial in Congress, and that there is considerable resistance to the current policy. Members spoke passionately about Plan Colombia’s failure as drug policy, lack of improvements in human rights, and the need to have a balanced policy focused on development aid.
Representative Jim McGovern (D-MA) spoke powerfully about the need to reduce the amount of military aid to Colombia. “This policy has failed as an anti-drug policy. It has failed as a human rights policy, and it has failed to have any impact whatsoever in reducing the availability, price or purity of drugs in the streets of America. … It is time that this House stood up and decided to stop sending a blank check to Colombia, year after year. It is time that we demand real progress on human rights as a condition to our aid. It is time that we stop being a cheap date.”
Congressman Sam Farr (D-CA) also expressed his disdain for Plan Colombia on the House floor. “Eighty percent of funds have gone for military assistance [to Colombia] and been eaten up by coca eradication. Only 20 percent of funds have gone to social and economic programs. These programs are what build local economies and communities and provide alternatives to coca production. [The current] distribution of assistance is not a recipe for permanent coca eradication. It's not a recipe for peace. It's a recipe for disaster.”
In spite of these disappointing results in the House, the Senate version of the bill was considerably improved. An additional $25 million in aid to Colombia was shifted from the Andean Counternarcotics Initiative to development and human rights assistance. The bill included conditions on the aerial spraying program and added tough conditions prior to any U.S. assistance for Colombian paramilitary demobilization.
Plan Colombia will indeed be continued 2006 – despite the fact that it was scheduled to end this year – but the exact provisions of the policy depend on negotiations between the House and Senate. A compromise between the House and Senate versions of the Foreign Operations Appropriations bill will be reached in conference committee in the fall, and the final bill will then be sent to the President’s desk for his approval.
To see how your representative voted, go to: http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2005/roll329.xml.
After the vote, Congressman McGovern sent this appreciative and enthusiastic message to all those who worked so hard for this amendment:
"I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratitude for the tremendous effort and vitality of the work carried out by the national and grassroots organizations on the McGovern-McCollum-Moore (KS) amendment to cut military aid to Colombia. The breadth of the coalition that collaborated in support of this amendment is a clear demonstration of the increasing awareness among the American people about the failures of our current Colombia policy and the needless waste of billions of US tax dollars over the past six years."
"I encourage your members to continue this important fight to bring sanity back to our foreign policy and to our foreign aid budget - including making sure that Members who voted against this amendment understand the critical mistake they made and taking the time and care to thank those who voted in support of the amendment."
"Once again—my deepest thanks to you all—and I look forward to working with all of you in the weeks and months ahead."
Special thanks go to Reps. McGovern, McCollum and Moore for sponsoring the amendment; to Minority leader Rep. Nancy Pelosi and minority whip Rep. Schakowsky for their active support; to those who spoke passionately in favor of the amendment, including Reps. Farr, Skelton, Obey, Lowey, Honda, Schakowsky, Paul and Meeks; and to the 189 members who voted yes. Reps. Leach and Van Hollen were not able to speak, but submitted comments in favor of the amendment for the record.
NGOs Send Secretary Rice Letter on the San Jose de Apartado Massacre
by Travis Wheeler
on March 17, 2005
The Honorable Condoleezza Rice
U.S. State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Secretary of State Rice,
We, the undersigned non-governmental organizations, write to express our profound concern and deepest condemnation of the recent massacre of eight civilians, including three children, in the hamlets of Mulatos and Resbalosa, a few miles from the peace community of San José de Apartadó, Colombia. In light of allegations of involvement by members of the Colombian military, it is essential that the U.S. government send a strong signal by insisting that an effective investigation be conducted by civilian authorities. The State Department must include this case in its evaluation of Colombian compliance with U.S. human rights conditions, and must refrain from certification until a credible investigation has been completed.
According to information received from the field, between February 21 and 22 Luis Eduardo Guerra, a well-known leader of the San José de Apartadó Peace Community, his eleven-year-old son and his companion were detained by armed men who identified themselves as belonging to the Colombian military. Alfonso Bolivar Tuberquía, a member of the Peace Council of the hamlet in Mulatos, and his family also disappeared. Several local people later discovered blood and human remains in two sites in the area.
On February 25, the Peace Community organized a fact-finding mission to the hamlets of Mulatos and Resbalosa. At the same time, a governmental judicial commission carried out an exhumation of the grave found on the farm of Mr. Tuberquía and found mutilated bodies (three adults and two children, aged six and two years old). In La Resbalosa, members of the community recognized the bodies of Luis Eduardo Guerra and his family. It is shocking that a community which is the recipient of provisional protection measures from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and for which the Colombian Constitutional Court requested effective protection measures in March 2004, would be subjected to such a brutal and cruel attack.
The judicial commission itself came under attack, resulting in the death of one policeman. Police sources allege that the attack on the commission was carried out by the FARC. We vigorously condemn the attack upon judicial authorities and call for a thorough investigation into this incident as well.
In light of the allegations of military involvement in the killing of members of the San Jose de Apartadó community, we ask that your office not certify Colombian compliance with the human rights conditions, until such time as the Colombian government has conducted a transparent, impartial, effective investigation into the massacre, and is proceeding to prosecute those responsible. Given the nature of the crimes, prosecution must take place within the civilian justice system.
In addition, the Department of State should undertake the following actions:
- Direct the U.S. Embassy to release a public statement condemning the massacre, expressing concern for the safety of the residents of the community and calling on the Colombian government to ensure that civilian judicial authorities conduct a full and impartial investigation into the killings of these eight persons;
--Insist that the Colombian Government take effective measures to ensure the safety of the residents of San José de Apartadó community and the Colombian non-governmental organizations who have denounced the crimes. Protective actions should be fully consulted with the community, as required by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights' provisional measures.
-Encourage the U.S. Ambassador to visit the community to express condolences on behalf of the people of the United States for the losses suffered, and to show support for the safety of the community.
Colombian and international human rights organizations have repeatedly opposed the certification of the human rights conditions because of continuing evidence of collaboration between sectors of the armed forces and paramilitaries, and because of evidence of human rights violations directly committed by members of the armed forces. Effective, impartial investigation and prosecution by civilian authorities in this new case is a minimally necessary step, but it should not be considered sufficient to justify compliance. The Department of State should thoroughly review the requirements for vigorous investigation and prosecution, and the severing of ties with paramilitaries, before again certifying compliance.
In closing, we ask that your office inform us as to the actions taken to ensure justice for Luis Eduardo Guerra, his family and colleagues.
Thank you for your attention to this important matter.
Sincerely,
Alexandra Arriaga
Director for Government Relations
Amnesty International USA
Joy Olson
Executive Director
Washington Office on Latin America
José Miguel Vivanco
Executive Director for the Americas
Human Rights Watch
James R. Stormes SJ
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference
Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office
Presbyterian Church (USA)
Pat Clark
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation
Cristina Espinel and Kelleen Corrigan
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee
Adam Isacson
Program Director
Center for International Policy
Krisanne Vaillancourt Murphy
Executive Director
Witness for Peace
Mary Ellen McNish
General Secretary
American Friends Service Committee
Todd Howland
Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights
Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International
Patricia Burkhardt
Legislative Officer
Church Women United
Neil Jeffery
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia
Saul Murcia
Co-Director Latin America & Caribbean
Mennonite Central Committee
Shannon Lockhart
Administrator
Sister Parish, Inc.
Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries
Kathryn Wolford
President
Lutheran World Relief
Max L. Gimbel
Director of Research
Guatemala Human Rights Commission
Phil Jones
Director
Church of the Brethren Witness/Washington Office
Gary L. Cozette
Director
Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America
Martha Pierce
Director
Chicago Metropolitan Sanctuary Alliance
Ted Lewis
Human Rights Program Director
Global Exchange
Bob Schwartz
Executive Director
Disarm Education Fund
Tom Bamat
Representative for Colombia
Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns
Marino Córdoba
Executive Director
Afrodes–USA
Pam Bowman
Legislative Coordinator
School of the Americas Watch
Terry Collingsworth
Executive Director
International Labor Rights Fund
Peter Laarman
Executive Director
Progressive Christians Uniting
Dr. Rita Nakashima Brock
Director
Faith Voices for the Common Good
To reply to this letter, respond to: Lisa Haugaard, Executive Director, Latin America Working Group, 424 C Street NE, Washington, DC 20002.
Cc: Ambassador William Burns, Acting Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs
Roger Noriega, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs
Ambassador Michael Kozak, Acting Assistant Secretary of State,
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Danika Walters, Program Officer, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Lisa Bobby Hughes Schreiber, Director, Office of Andean Affairs
Heather Merritt, Colombia Desk Officer
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Senate Urges Secretary Rice to Refrain from Certifying Military Aid to Colombia
by Travis Wheeler
on July 01, 2005
"We are writing to ask you to refrain from certifying that the Colombian government meets the human rights conditions included in the foreign operations appropriations act until further progress is demonstrated. The U.S. law requiring certification is vital. In appropriating funds to the Colombian military, we have a responsibility to ensure that the Colombian government upholds the rule of law and will hold those accountable when abuses occur." Read the full letter (PDF).
Reps. McGovern and Smith Co-Sponsor Letter Condemning the Massace at San Jose de Apartado
by Travis Wheeler
on March 09, 2005
"We write to express our strongest condemnation of the murders of Luis Eduardo Guerra, a leader of the San Jose de Apartado community in Antioquia who was personally known to some of us, and seven other people, among them women and children as young as ages two and six. We also wish to express our great concern for the safety of the inhabitants of the San Jose de Apartado Peace Community." Read the full letter (PDF).
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The Human Rights Situation in Colombia: Afro-Colombian and Indigenous People
by Travis Wheeler
on June 08, 2005
Click here to view a PDF version of the statement.
Congressional Human Rights Caucus, Members’ Briefing
Statement by Lisa Haugaard, Latin America Working Group Education Fund
Thank you for the opportunity to speak to you about this important issue. It is wonderful to have the chance to have the problems affecting Afro-Colombian and indigenous peoples discussed in depth by the caucus. In particular, thanks to Mr. Payne for your leadership on this issue.
It is encouraging to hear from USAID about their efforts to include Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities in our development programs, and about the projects specifically directed to these communities. We are very supportive of such programs.
However, it is also important to consider how overall policies by the US and Colombian governments affect Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities. My colleagues have given a good account of the impact, and I would like to stress three recommendations for improving U.S. policy to Colombia. These are part of our Blueprint for a New Colombia Policy, which was written with input from some thirty humanitarian agencies and nongovernmental groups working on Colombia issues, including two networks of human rights groups within Colombia. (In English: http://www.lawg.org/docs/Blueprint.pdf ; in Spanish: http://www.lawg.org/docs/LAWGColombiaSP.pdf )
1. We need a tougher human rights policy. There has been very little progress in terms of investigating and prosecuting army officials implicated in human rights violations and collusion with abusive paramilitary forces. The Attorney General last year dismissed charges against General Rito Alejo del Río for allegedly aiding and abetting paramilitary groups and in 2005 the Supreme Court dismissed the case against Admiral Rodrigo Quiñonez regarding his leadership during the Chengue massacre—and these are only a couple of the most high-profile cases. There are countless other stalled cases, including ones involving direct violations by the military. Army-paramilitary collusion continues, including in areas like Chocó, with its substantial Afro-Colombian population. We need to be tougher, more willing to criticize. Our embassy must talk about human rights issues publicly, and the State Department must be willing to hold up military aid based on the human rights conditions in the law, and demand real progress on cases and on ending collusion with paramilitary forces. We’re not helping Colombia by pretending that everything’s getting better.
2. We should be emphasizing alternative development programs, not aerial spraying. After the massive spraying campaign in Putumayo province, coca cultivation began spreading to neighboring provinces and increasingly into areas with greater Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations. As frankly cruel as the policy of aerial spraying without alternative development is for all populations of small farm families, it is even more problematic for indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities. Already targeted by all sides in the war and feeling the brunt of internal displacement by violence, if forced into displacement from aerial spraying these populations would lose access to the collective land titles which have allowed their communities a certain cohesion. Indigenous communities are in particular rooted to a given piece of land and geography. We need to ask AID and INL to give small farmers in the areas targeted for fumigation a chance to first eradicate manually, with development assistance. Congress should examine these plans carefully and insist that serious alternative development programs be offered to not just a small subset of farmers but, working with the Colombian government and other international donors, ensure that aid is available for the majority of small farm families willing to eradicate.
3. We need to increase and improve assistance for the internally displaced. We need to be offering more aid, more rapid disbursement, and greater protection to prevent displacement. This is Colombia’s most pervasive human tragedy, and Afro-Colombian and indigenous people are disproportionately affected. This kind of humanitarian aid is our best program in Colombia, but it is still a tiny portion of the overall total aid package and far from serving the needs. The Colombian government must be asked to shoulder its share of the burden – its efforts are inadequate – but we should also increase U.S. funding.
We must encourage greater protection of communities from attack from all armed actors. It is important to understand that protection doesn’t come in any automatic way from arming and equipping the Colombian army. The army itself has to be rid of officials and soldiers who are colluding with paramilitaries or committing direct violations. There has to be far greater attention to civilian state agencies helping communities – the Attorney General’s office, the Inspector General’s office, the Ombudsman’s office. Protection comes not only from armed presence but from investigating crimes and ending impunity. If you have armed presence without an accompanying justice system that functions, you are not protecting communities, and indeed you can be putting them at risk.
There must be space for communities who wish to not to participate in the war, including by rejecting the presence of security forces they see as colluding with paramilitary forces in their communities. This is particularly important with indigenous communities, some of which have a traditional culture of nonviolence. These efforts should be respected where possible and certainly should not be seen as a threat to state authority – they are no threat to the state but rather a desperate means of self-preservation that stems in part from lack of trust in government security forces. Finally, the early warning system, designed to protect communities and funded largely by the U.S., must be improved. One of the areas where this system has worked least is in Chocó, with its Afro-Colombian population. The government agencies dealing with security are playing the lead role in determining when alerts are sent out, rather than the judicial agencies, and as a result threats against communities are being downplayed. Responses to alerts that are sent out can help but are inadequate. The system of alerts needs to be made public and transparent.
Thank you so much for your interest in helping Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities in Colombia.
Letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice from 11 U.S. NGOs regard
by Travis Wheeler
on January 28, 2005
The Honorable Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
The State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520
Dear Secretary Rice,
We the undersigned non-governmental organizations of the United States wish to express our support for the donor conference in Cartagena. We consider the process initiated in London to be an extraordinary opportunity for the international community to support the Colombian people and institutions in their efforts to develop solutions to the country's severe problems, exacerbated by more that 40 years of armed conflict. In particular feel it is important to recognize the critical role of Colombian civil society in shaping the process, and the support that they have received from the G-24 group of international governments.
We welcome the possibility of new economic and social aid for Colombia to address the impact of the internal armed conflict. However we believe strongly that U.S. support to Colombia should be more than just financial aid; rather it should improve the security of all Colombians, strengthen the rule of law, increase respect for human rights and international humanitarian law and assist in the search for a negotiated settlement to the conflict. We feel that support for the recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights as set out in the London declaration is the most appropriate and effective way to achieve these goals.
While we look favorably on any advance in the peace process, we are seriously concerned that without a legal framework in place the present demobilization plans are effectively granting impunity to AUC members responsible for gross human rights violations and failing to dismantle paramilitary structures. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in a recent report confirmed that the "demobilisation mechanisms have not been accompanied by comprehensive measures to provide relief to the victims of the violence or to clarify the many criminal acts that remain in impunity...therefore the factors generating the conflict in large measure persist"
In particular, we urge that the final declaration
1) recognize the process established in London in July 2003;
2) recognize the critical role of civil society in shaping the future of Colombia, and provide mechanisms by which the G-24 group can continue to support dialogue between the Colombian authorities and civil society;
3) recognize the fundamental contribution of the United Nations in developing solutions to the conflict, particularly through the work of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Secretary General's Special Representative;
4) urge the Colombian Government to make demonstrable and timely progress in complying with the recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights;
5) establish as a fundamental prerequisite to any international funding for the paramilitary demobilization process the inclusion of a legal framework finalized by the Colombian Congress, that satisfies requirements for truth, justice and reparation in compliance with standards and principles of international law, accompanied by an appropriate mechanism for effective implementation and verification;
6) explicitly recognize the existence of an armed conflict in Colombia, requiring full observance of international humanitarian law.
We appreciate your attention to this matter.
Sincerely,
Neil Jeffery
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia
Joy Olson
Executive Director
Washington Office on Latin America
Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy
Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group *
Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S./Labor Education in the Americas Project
Krisanne Vaillancourt
Executive Director
Witness for Peace
British Robinson
National Director of Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference USA
Cristina Espinel and Kelleen Corrigan
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee
Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries
Jacqueline Baker
Legislative Coordinator
School of the Americas Watch
Sr. Marta Inés Toro, OP
Justice and Peace Coordinator
Dominican Sisters of the Presentation
* Organization designated for identification purposes only
Cc
Andrew Natsios, Administrator, United States Agency for International Development
Michael Kozak, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, United States Department of State
Danika Walters, Program Officer, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, United States Department of State
Heather Merritt, Colombia Desk Officer, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, United States Department of State
Senator Christopher Dodd
Senator Russell Feingold
Senator Patrick Leahy
Senator Mitch McConnell
Representative Jim Kolbe
Representative Nita M. Lowey
Representative James P. McGovern
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