On May 12, 2005, the Senate and House of Representatives introduced an identical,
bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform bill, known as the Secure America
and Orderly Immigration Act (S.1033 and HR 2330, respectively). This is
a significant step forward in the movement to create safe, legal channels
for migrants to enter the U.S. and avoid the dangerous crossing through
the Southwest desert that takes 350 lives a year. The bill is creating the
significant buzz on Capitol Hill, and has good prospects for being the benchmark
bill in Congress on immigration reform.
The bill will move most efficiently through the Senate,
where there is more political interest in discussing the issue. There,
the bill has been referred to the Judiciary Committee, where the process
of vetting the bill will begin. In the House, the process is going to
be exponentially more difficult. The bill has been referred to five committees
for review. In general, the House has been much more reactionary on the
issue of immigration, and there is not as much willingness to hold a serious
debate on the topic there.
One big kink holds up the bill as far as process goes.
Because the bill is in the Senate Judiciary Committee, there is a good
chance that it could be pushed off the table for the remainder of the
year if the Judiciary Committee gears up for the confirmation of a Supreme
Court Justice, which chatter in DC makes sound likely.
This is a massive bill of over 150 pages, with 11 sections.
The language of the bill overall looks positive. The biggest problems
could come however, in how the language is interpreted and implemented.
Below is a quick summary of each of the bill’s sections, with a
quick analysis of our concerns and possible points of debate.
Title I - Border Security. Directs
the Department of Homeland Security to conduct a comprehensive review
of border security and recommendations for an effective plan. They would
have one year to carry out the study. A Border Security Advisory Committee
would be created, comprised of representatives from border states, law
enforcement agencies, and other experts, to advise DHS on the matter.
DHS would also be directed to pursue agreements with Mexico and Central
American nations to increase and strengthen those countries' ability to
secure their own borders.
Analysis: This is a lot better than
we had hoped for, in the sense that there is no immediate mandate to increase
border security that already exists. However, leaving the analysis in
the hands of DHS is like giving the fox the keys to the chicken coop -
DHS is unlikely to change their strategy, and would most likely request
increases in everything they're doing, rather than truly revising their
strategy. Also, in the case of agreements with Mexico and Central America,
there are huge problems with migration officials preying on migrants because
of a lack of oversight or control - increasing our cooperation with them
could make us increasingly complicit in human rights violations south
of our own border.
Title II - State Alien Criminal Assistance.
Increases the funding for the detention of undocumented migrants, and
provides for federal reimbursement of state costs related to processing
and trying undocumented migrants in court.
Analysis: If the visa and immigration
provisions of the bill move fairly untarnished, this shouldn't be of too
much concern. If the immigration sections are gutted and this remains,
it could provide for the increased criminalization of migration.
Title III - Essential Visa Worker Program. This
is the meat of the bill, which creates a new category of visas for migrants
to enter the country. It allows a foreign national to apply for a visa
(called an H5-A visa) if they can prove that they have a job offer in
the US. They would pay $500 plus processing costs for the visa. The visa
is valid for three years, and can be renewed for another 3. Migrants could
travel between the US and abroad without restrictions under this visa,
and they can change jobs freely within the US under the terms of the visa.
These workers would be entitled to all the same worker protections of
US citizens.
400,000 of these visas would be available each year,
and the process would be flexible to allow additional visas to be granted
if this number is met before the end of the year. If a migrant wants to
apply for permanent residency, they would be able to do so after 4 years
in the program. At that point, they would be required to take English
and American civics classes.
The Department of Labor would be required to set up
a database to list jobs that are available. The jobs would be available
to foreign workers only after they have been made available to US citizens
for 30 days.
Analysis: This section has everything
that we're concerned about when it comes to allowing for new flows of
migrants. This will be the section that is tinkered with the most as debates
progress.
Title IV: Enforcement. Requires high-tech
visas that can't be forged. Requires the Social Security Administration
to develop an "employment eligibility confirmation system" that
employers must use to confirm that employees have the proper work authorization.
Gives the Department of Labor authority to investigate employers who are
suspected of hiring migrants without work authorization.
Analysis: These are reasonable provisions.
However, there is currently an employment eligibility test system in use,
and it has major flaws recognizing names that don't conform to American
standards. For example, two last names, accent marks, etc... Also, there
are some fears that the interpretation of this section could lead to renewed
workplace raids, which only slap employers on the hand, but deport undocumented
workers.
Title V: Promoting Circular Migration Patterns.
Facilitates a migrant's ability to go back and forth between their home
country, and encourages economic development in home countries to create
job opportunities for migrants who want to return home.
Analysis: We wish this section were
stronger in terms of committing funds to development in sending countries!
Title VI: Family Unity and Backlog Reduction.
Raises the caps on visas for family members of people legally in the US
to reduce the long waits currently experienced. Immediate family members
of workers would be exempted from these caps.
Analysis: Not much to complain about
here, although expect a lot of negotiation here from anti-immigrant advocates
who want to limit the number of people entering the country.
Title VII: H5B Nonimmigrants. Another
pivotal section, it provides for the legalization of the millions of undocumented
workers currently in the US. It would also include the immediate families
of undocumented workers. Their undocumented employment must be proven,
and there are fairly liberal means for proof, including affidavits from
neighbors or colleagues if no employer documents exist. Before an H5B
migrant can apply for permanent residency, and eventually citizenship,
they must hold this visa for 6 years. The visa is good only for 6 years,
and is not renewable. Applicants are subject to a $1,000 fine unless they
are under 21 years of age. It also allows for minors to use school attendance
to fulfill the work requirement (adapting the Dream Act to this bill).
This section would also protect employers who hired undocumented migrants
before the bill passed from being sanctioned in any way, partly to encourage
them to provide their undocumented workers with proof of employment.
Analysis: This section seems to be
well written, but will be one of the major battlegrounds when it comes
to negotiation time.
Title VIII: Protection Against Immigration Fraud.
This section sets criteria for legal representation of migrants who find
themselves in front of an immigration judge. It is aimed at keeping unscrupulous
lawyers from taking advantage of migrants.
Analysis: On the surface it looks good,
but we need to consult with legal experts before knowing for sure.
Titles IX, X, and XI: These titles
ensure civics and English language classes are funded, attempt to increase
access to health care for migrants, and sets out how the fees from this
program will be spent - mainly funding the other sections of this bill.
Only 10% is to be used for border security, while 15% goes to the State
Department to meet its requirements (hopefully this will go to development
in sending countries rather than increasing border security in other countries).
Finally, as a nod to the tireless efforts of our colleagues in Arizona,
it exempts humanitarian workers from the aiding and abetting provisions
of US law that currently are being used to harass them and prevent the
provision of services to undocumented migrants in the desert.
That's the whole enchilada, as it's been referred to
in the past! We hope to see vigorous debate on this bill in the upcoming
year, and will be providing you with specific action alerts as the bill
progresses.
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