Nongovernmental Letters on Human Rights and U.S. Aid to Colombia

Conflict, Violence, and Murders of Colombian Activists Concern U.S. Groups

The Latin America Working Group (LAWG), Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), U.S. Office on Colombia (USOC), Center for International Policy (CIP), and the U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP) urge President Obama to refrain from declaring that key elements of the Labor Action Plan (LAP) linked to the Free Trade Agreement have been effectively implemented at this week’s Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia or in his subsequent meeting with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos. The labor and human rights situation in Colombia has not improved sufficiently to implement the Free Trade Agreement.
 
On April 7, 2011, the U.S. and Colombian governments announced the signing of the U.S.-Colombia Labor Action Plan (LAP). In it, both governments expressed their commitment to provide a level playing field of economic opportunities for U.S. sectors as well as guarantees that Colombian workers would “have acceptable working conditions and respect for fundamental labor rights.” The Colombian government confirmed its obligation to protect internationally recognized labor rights, prevent violence against labor leaders, and prosecute the perpetrators of such violence. The LAP spells out critical changes needed to protect trade unionists, guard against labor rights abuses, eliminate the abusive associative labor cooperative (CTA) model, and advance prosecutions of perpetrators of anti-labor violence. The U.S. government announced that it was committed to reforming the security environment for all Colombians, addressing the needs of victims, and enhancing rule of law. Implementation of the key elements of the LAP is a precondition for the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement to enter into effect.
 
It is premature for the United States to declare sufficient progress under the terms of the LAP. In doing so, the U.S. government would lose a tremendous political opportunity to significantly improve labor rights in Colombia. While a number of laws and regulations have been issued, key elements of the LAP remain unfulfilled as evidenced in Colombia’s failure to fully ban problematic associative labor cooperatives and other forms of labor intermediation that bust unions. Furthermore, in priority sectors of the LAP including sugar and ports, businesses are turning to CTA-like models with different names to employ workers and deny them their rights. The Colombian government is not acting effectively to prevent this, as conditioned by the LAP. It remains a common practice to fire workers who wish to affiliate with trade unions and then to stigmatize these workers so that they cannot find employment elsewhere, driving them into poverty.
 
Union activists remain in grave danger in Colombia. Thirty trade unionists were murdered in 2011, and 4 unionists were killed so far in 2012. The security situation for human rights defenders significantly deteriorated in 2011 with attacks increasing by 36% compared to 2010. Of the 49 human rights defenders killed in 2010, 19 were indigenous leaders. Colombia needs to enforce the rule of law in order to send the signal to perpetrators that it will not tolerate further attacks against trade unionists, human rights, and community activists or other human rights violations.
 
Instead of making progress, Colombian government is taking steps backwards on human rights crimes. Military justice legislation under consideration by the Colombian Congress could lead to the prosecution of many kinds of human rights crimes committed by the military to return to military courts, thus rolling back historic advances in Colombian justice. The “legal framework for peace” bill would allow the judiciary to suspend existing sentences for any crimes committed by actors in the armed conflict. Not only do such provisions constitute a major boost towards guaranteeing impunity for human rights abuses, they also constitute a breach of the human rights conditions tied to U.S. military assistance towards Colombia.
 
While the Santos administration has improved its public rhetoric regarding human rights, the steps it has taken have failed to adequately improve protections for human rights defenders. President Santos’ flagship victims and land restitution law, an initiative we support in essence, is severely lacking in protection for victims. Even before the law has been fully applied, 26 land rights activists were killed during the Santos administration. Furthermore, new victims continue to be created in Colombia due to ongoing forced displacement linked to the conflict and abuses committed by the armed groups. For effective protection of communities, land rights activists, trade unionists, and human rights defenders to take place, the U.S. must express its grave concern for the expansion of paramilitary groups and encourage bold efforts to dismantle their operations. The Colombian government also needs to develop a well-financed and coordinated civilian agency plan to protect land rights activists and communities through careful consultation with affected parties.
 
Rather than making premature judgments about progress in labor and human rights—judgments that are not supported by facts—the United States should use the opportunity of the meeting in Cartagena to encourage its ally to make further reforms. Finally, the U.S. government should respond to a historic opportunity presented by the release of hostages—and the announcement by the FARC guerrillas that they are abandoning kidnapping for profit—to encourage a negotiated solution to the protracted conflict that has undermined security and human rights in Colombia for many decades.

For further information please contact:

Lisa Haugaard, Executive Director, Latin America Working Group (LAWG)
(202) 546-7010

Gimena Sanchez, Senior Associate, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
(202) 797-2171

Dana Brown, Executive Director, U.S. Office on Colombia (USOC)
(202) 232-8090

Abigail Poe, Deputy Director, Center for International Policy (CIP)
(202) 232-3317

Stephen Coats, Executive Director, U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP)
(773) 262-6502

CONTACT:                                                                                                                                                                                     
Lisa Haugaard, Latin America Working Group, 202-546-7010
Camilo Ramirez, Center for Constitutional Rights, 212-614-6463
                      

November 21, 2011 – Twenty-seven non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from across Canada, the United States and Mexico have signed statements and sent letters of support for the José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers Collective (CCAJAR) and the Inter-American Human Rights System in response to troubling statements questioning the credibility of CCAJAR and the Inter-American system made by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and other high-ranking Colombian officials.

The Colombian government made these statements after a woman recanted her previous testimony that her husband and sons had been killed in the 1997 massacre in the village of Mapiripán. CCAJAR had represented the woman, along with several other victims’ family members, in a case brought before the Inter-American Human Rights Court, which ruled in 2005, based upon evidence provided by the Colombian government, that the Colombian State held responsibility for the massacre and should conduct a thorough investigation to determine the identity of all the victims and pay them reparations. As the Inter-American Court wrote in its decision, “it is the State's obligation to properly investigate the human rights violations that have occurred in Colombia, which have cost the lives of thousands of Colombians and have taken place with the proven acquiescence or participation of agents of the State.”

All of the statements and letters of support from the different North American organizations highlight their extreme concern over the declarations made by Colombian government officials against CCAJAR. For example, in its November 16th letter to President Santos, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) identified problematic statements from the President himself, in which he attempts to discredit the Collective. CCR highlights how these statements are “outrageous to anyone who is familiar with the brave and committed work of CCAJAR for truth and justice on behalf of human rights victims.” Such statements continue to make Colombia a dangerous place for human rights defenders, given regular threats, illegal surveillance and infiltration to which human rights defenders are subject in Colombia.

Equally concerning to North American organizations are Colombian government statements that seek to undermine the Inter-American Human Rights System. As the CCR points out in its letter, the Inter-American System has been an invaluable resource for the many victims of grave human rights abuses. “Indeed,” writes the CCR, “the crisis of impunity for human rights violations in many countries, including Colombia, is often what necessitates victims turning to the Inter-American System.”

The November 21st NGO statement also makes reference to several other emblematic cases of human rights violations allegedly involving the Colombian military that are slated to be presented at the Inter-American System or reviewed by Colombian courts, as well as a proposed law that would remove human rights cases involving members of the military from civilian jurisdiction. The NGOs express their concern that these recent statements by Colombian government officials set a dangerous precedent for due process in these cases.

Letters and Statements from North American NGOs

• “North American NGOs and Human Rights Experts Condemn Colombia's Attack on Inter-American System,” signed by 25 NGOs, 21 November 2011.

• Open Letter to President Santos Re: Statements by the Colombian government Regarding Mapiripán Massacre Case, Center for Constitutional Rights, 16 November 2011.

• Open Letter to President Santos Re: Statements by the Colombian Government Regarding Mapiripán Massacre, National Lawyers Committee on Human Rights, 21 November 2011.

• "LWB Canada Troubled by Public Attacks against Its Partners in Colombia," Lawyers Without Borders Canada, 18 November 2011.

CONTACTO:                                         
Lisa Haugaard, Latin America Working Group, 202-546-7010
Camilo Ramirez, Center for Constitutional Rights, 212-614-6463

Veintisiete organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONGs) de Canadá, los Estados Unidos, y México han firmado comunicados y mandado cartas en apoyo al Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo y al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos con respecto a las declaraciones preocupantes del Presidente colombiano Juan Manuel Santos y otros altos funcionarios colombianos que intentan poner en duda la integridad de CCAJAR y el Sistema Interamericano.

Los oficiales del gobierno colombiano hicieron estas declaraciones después de que una mujer retractó su testimonio anterior de que su marido y sus hijos habían sido asesinados en la masacre de Mapiripán en 1997. CCAJAR había representado a la mujer, junto con varios familiares de otras víctimas, en un caso llevado ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, que en 2005, basado en evidencia proporcionado por el gobierno colombiano, responsabilizó al estado colombiano por la masacre y falló que debía llevar a cabo una investigación exhaustiva para identificar a todas las víctimas y pagarles las reparaciones. Como la Corte declaró en su fallo, “es obligación del Estado investigar debidamente las violaciones a los derechos humanos ocurridas en Colombia que han costado la vida a miles de colombianos y que han contado con la comprobada aquiescencia y/o participación de agentes estatales.”

Todos los comunicados y las cartas de apoyo de las ONGs de América del Norte destacan su gran preocupación por las declaraciones hechas por funcionarios del gobierno colombiano en contra de CCAJAR. Por ejemplo, en su carta del 16 de noviembre al Presidente Santos, el Centro de Derechos Constitucionales (CCR) identificó algunas declaraciones problemáticas del propio Presidente, en los que intenta desacreditar el Colectivo. CCR señala que estas declaraciones son “indignantes para cualquiera persona que conozca el trabajo valiente y dedicado de CCAJAR a causa de la verdad y la justicia para las víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos.” Tales declaraciones ponen en riesgo a los defensores de derechos humanos en Colombia, dado el contexto de amenazas constantes, el seguimiento y la infiltración ilegales a los que los defensores son objetos.

Igualmente preocupante a las ONGs son las declaraciones del gobierno colombiano que intentan socavar el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Como señala el CCR en su carta, el Sistema Interamericana ha sido un recurso inestimable para las víctimas numerosas de graves violaciones de derechos humanos. “De hecho,” escribe el CDC, “es precisamente la crisis de impunidad por las violaciones a los derechos humanos que se han cometido en muchos países, incluyendo Colombia, la cual ha forzado a las víctimas a acudir al Sistema Interamericano.”

La declaración de las ONGs también hace referencia a otros casos emblemáticos de violaciones de  derechos humanos con presunto participación las fuerzas colombianas que van a ser vistos por el Sistema Interamericano o por tribunales colombianos, así como un proyecto de ley que extenderá el fuero militar. Expresan su preocupación de que estas declaraciones recientes por los oficiales del Gobierno colombiano establezcan un precedente peligroso para el debido proceso en estos casos.

Cartas y comunicados de NGOs de América del Norte

• “Organizaciones de toda América del Norte expresan su apoyo a CCAJAR y al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos,” firmado por by 27 NGOs, 21 noviembre 2011.

• Carta abierta al Presidente Santos Re: Declaraciones por el Gobierno colombiano con respecto al caso de la masacre de Mapiripán, Center for Constitutional Rights, 16 noviembre 2011. 

• Carta abierta al Presidente Santos Re: Declaraciones del Gobierno colombiano con respecto a la masacre de Mapiripán, National Lawyers Committee on Human Rights, 21 noviembre 2011.

• "ASF Canadá preocupada por los ataques públicos en contra de sus socios en Colombia," Abogados Sin Fronteras Canadá, 21 noviembre 2011.

As Colombians go to the polls May 30th, they will elect a president who will have a historic opportunity to change the lives of millions of Colombians affected in profound and tragic ways by the country’s enduring armed conflict. The Latin America Working Group and partner organizations have sent an open letter to Colombia’s presidential and vice presidential candidates to ask them how they will lead the nation in building a more just and inclusive society that promotes and respects the rights of all its citizens. 

S.E. Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Presidente de la República
Cra. 8 #7-26
Palacio de Nariño
Bogotá
Colombia

Dear President Uribe:

We write to express our deep concern about the recent wave of threats, attacks and killings of human rights defenders and trade unionists in connection with the March 6 demonstrations against state and paramilitary human rights violations. We urge you to publicly and immediately adopt effective measures to stop this violence.

Over the course of one week, between March 4 and March 11, four trade unionists, some of whom were reportedly associated with the March 6 demonstration, were killed. Members of human rights organizations have also been subject to a large number of physical attacks and harassment. Their offices have also been broken into and equipment and files have been stolen.

In recent weeks a large number of human rights organizations, including la Asociación MINGA, the Colombian Commission of Jurists, Reiniciar, CODHES, the Movement of Victims of State Crimes (MOVICE), and Ruta Pacífica de Mujeres have received threats purportedly coming from the Black Eagles. One threat sent by email on March 11 specifically named twenty-eight human rights defenders. The threat, which was signed by the paramilitary group “Metropolitan Front of the Black Eagles in Bogotá,” accused the individuals of being guerrillas, referred explicitly to the March 6 demonstrations and stated that they would be killed promptly. The next day, another paramilitary email threat to various other groups announced a “total rearmament of paramilitary forces.” In addition to national human rights groups, the threats have targeted the international organization Peace Brigades International Colombia Project (PBI), the news magazine Semana, the Workers Central Union (CUT), indigenous organizations, and opposition politicians. A large number of additional recent instances of harassment, attacks and threats are currently being documented by national human rights groups.

This string of threats and attacks calls directly into question the effectiveness of the paramilitary demobilization process. Indeed, the Organization of American States has reported that twenty-two armed groups linked to the paramilitaries remain active around the country and has expressed “serious doubts about the effectiveness of demobilization and disarmament.”

We are especially concerned by the fact that the threats and attacks came shortly after a series of public accusations made by your presidential advisor, José Obdulio Gaviria, against the organizers of the March 6 protest. On February 10 and 11, on national radio, Mr. Gaviria suggested that the march’s organizers, including specifically Iván Cepeda (spokesman of MOVICE), were affiliated with the abusive guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Your government issued statements on February 15 and March 14 promising to guarantee the rights of those participating in the March 6 protest. However neither statement deterred Mr. Gaviria from continuing his stream of accusations on February 17 and March 20. His latest statement, suggesting that Mr. Cepeda is essentially a member of the FARC, is particularly outrageous coming after the recent wave of attacks and threats.

Baseless comments such as these are profoundly damaging to Colombian democracy and human rights, and place those against whom they are made in direct danger of violence.  These statements stigmatize the legitimate work of thousands of human rights defenders, trade unionists, and victims, and can have a chilling effect on the exercise of rights to freedom of expression and free association.  And in a country like Colombia, with its record of political violence, statements like these only contribute to a climate of political intolerance that fosters violence.  Indeed, on February 11, the day after Mr. Gaviria first made the comments, the supposedly demobilized AUC paramilitary group released a statement on its website echoing Mr. Gaviria’s attacks on Mr. Cepeda and the victims’ movement.

It is precisely because prior administrations recognized the importance of respecting the work of human rights defenders and others, that Presidential Directive 7 of 1999 and Presidential Directive 7 of 2001 are now in place. Both directives order public servants “to abstain from questioning the legitimacy of… NGOs and their members… and to abstain from making false imputations or accusations that compromise the[ir] security, honor and good name…” Directive 7 of 1999 further clarifies that public servants must not “make affirmations that disqualify, harass or incite harassment of said organizations… [nor] emit … declarations that stigmatize the work of these organizations.”

We urge you to combat this wave of violence by:

1. Disavowing, in public and before national media, the statements made by Mr. Gaviria and others linking the March 6 protest organizers to guerillas; rejecting the recent wave of threats and attacks; reaffirming your government’s support for, and protection of, the legitimate work of human rights defenders and trade unionists; and ensuring that no further inflammatory remarks are made by members of your government;
2. Ensuring a prompt, impartial and comprehensive investigation into each of the recent killings, attacks and death threats. It is vital that those responsible for these attacks are held responsible. Any supposedly demobilized persons who participated in or ordered these crimes should be stripped of their paramilitary demobilization benefits, and you should take decisive action to dismantle paramilitary groups and break their links to state officials in accordance with United Nations recommendations;
3. Providing protective measures to those individuals named in the March 11 death threats, as well as to other persons who have been subject to attacks or threats, and personally holding meetings with victims, trade unionists, and human rights defenders who have been affected by the recent attacks to listen to their concerns.
   

Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter.

Sincerely,

Andrew Hudson
Human Rights Defenders Program
Human Rights First

José Miguel Vivanco
Americas Director
Human Rights Watch

Renata Rendón
Advocacy Director for the Americas
Amnesty International USA

Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International

John Arthur Nunes
President and CEO
Lutheran World Relief

Joy Olson
Executive Director
Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America

James R. Stormes, S.J.
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP)

Robert Guitteau Jr.
Interim Director
US Office on Colombia

Heather Hanson
Director of Public Affairs
Mercy Corps

Mark Johnson
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation

Mark Harrison
Director, Peace with Justice
United Methodist Church, General Board of Church and Society

Monika Kalra Varma
Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights

Viviana Krsticevic
Executive Director
Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL)

Joe Volk
Executive Secretary
Friends Committee on National Legislation

Melinda St. Louis
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Atossa Soltani
Executive Director
Amazon Watch

Bert Lobe
Executive Director
Mennonite Central Committee

Rick Ufford-Chase
Executive Director
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Jim Vondracek
Managing Director
Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America

Charo Mina-Rojas
AFRODES USA

T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Cristina Espinel
Director
Colombia Human Rights Committee, Washington DC

Phil Jones
Director
Church of the Brethren Witness/Washington Office

cc.
Vice President Francisco Santos
Vice President of the Republic of Colombia
Cra. 8 No. 7-57
Bogota
Colombia

Mr. Carlos Franco
Programa Presidencial de Derechos Humanos
Calle 7 No 6 – 54
Bogota D.C
Colombia

Mr. Thomas A. Shannon
Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

Mr. David J. Kramer
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Rights, and Labor
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

Ambassador William R. Brownfield
U.S. Ambassador to Colombia
U.S. Embassy in Colombia
Calle 24 Bis No. 48-50
Bogotá, D.C.
Colombia

Ambassador Carolina Barco
Ambassador of Colombia to the United States
Embassy of Colombia in the United States
2118 Leroy Place, NW
Washington, DC 20008

Click here to see a PDF version that includes footnotes.

Dear Honorable Representative or Senator,

We are heartened to see the improvements made in U.S. policy towards Colombia in both the House and Senate FY08 foreign operations appropriations bills. The increased emphasis on rural development and the justice sector will help Colombia more effectively conduct counternarcotics efforts while strengthening its democratic institutions and the rule of law. As you meet to reconcile the two bills, we urge you to advocate for the greater allocation for rural development  and the improved balance between military and non-military assistance contained in the House bill and to support the new direction both bills present.

While rule-of-law programs are sometimes referred to as part of the “soft side” of the package, these programs will help the Colombian government get tough on drug traffickers and human rights abusers. Vigorous investigation and prosecution of paramilitary leaders who have committed gross violations or who continue to traffic drugs and foster violence are essential if the demobilization process is to reduce violence and weaken organized crime. Expanding victims’ access to justice, strengthening victim and witness protection and improving oversight and human rights performance of government security forces will build confidence in the rule of law and contribute to conflict resolution.

The increased resources for rural development, including for programs to help small farmers turn away from illegal drug production, are a sensible and much-needed improvement. While the aerial spraying program is perceived as tough—and indeed it is tough on the small farmer families whose food crops have been destroyed along with illegal drug crops—it has not worked. According to the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), in 2006 Colombia produced slightly more coca than at the start of the United States’ $5.4 billion investment in 2000. Aerial spraying has moved coca production from one area of the country to the next, with intensifying conflict and environmental damage following the expansion of coca into new areas. After seven years of spraying, it is time to focus on a more sustainable approach. While rural development programs with voluntary manual eradication require time and patience, if devised and implemented with close cooperation from local communities, they can provide a more permanent solution to illicit drug production, as well as reduce the factors that fuel the conflict.

We also greatly appreciate the specific dedication of development assistance and human rights safeguards for Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, which have suffered disproportionately from poverty and conflict. Finally, we ask that the final law contain the maximum funding possible for programs to benefit Colombia’s internally displaced population.

These adjustments to the aid package represent continued strong support for Colombia. Indeed, these changes will help the government of Colombia consolidate the comprehensive presence of the state in areas long abandoned, where coca and poppy production has expanded, armed groups of the left and the right have shown absolute disregard for human rights, and the conflict has brutally raged. We would also note that the increased revenues approved by the Colombian government available this year from its “war tax” were limited to military and police support, making it even more important to focus U.S. assistance on underlying rule of law, economic and social justice concerns.

We urge you to include the substantial allocation for rural development included in the House bill.  And as you consider future directions for U.S. policy towards Colombia, we ask you to prioritize support for rural development and strengthening the rule of law, and to increase emphasis on programs for the victims of the conflict.

John Arthur Nues
President and CEO
Lutheran World Relief

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)

Ken Hackett
President
Catholic Relief Services

Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International

Mark L. Schneider
Senior Vice President
International Crisis Group*

Raymond C. Offenheiser
President
Oxfam America

George Vickers
Senior Policy Analyst
Open Society Policy Center

Rev. Kenneth J. Gavin, S.J.
National Director
Jesuit Refugee Service/USA

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office
Presbyterian Church (USA)

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

John Walsh
Senior Associate for the Andes and Drug Policy
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)

Melinda St. Louis
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Nancy Lindborg
President
Mercy Corps

Rev. Dr. John R. Deckenback
Conference Minister
Central Atlantic Conference
United Church of Christ

Theo Sitther
Legislative Associate for International Affairs
Mennonite Central Committee U.S. Washington Office

T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM)

Robin Buyers
Colombia Team Support Coordinator
Christian Peacemaker Teams

James R. Stormes, S.J.
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Heather Hanson
Executive Director
US Office on Colombia

Stan Hastey
Minister for Mission and Ecumenism
Alliance of Baptists

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ, Justice and Witness Ministries

Angela Berryman
Interim Assistant General Secretary for Peace and Conflict Resolution
American Friends Service Committee

Cristina Espinel
Co-coordinator
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Marty Jordan
Co-Director
Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA (GHRC)


To respond to this letter, please reply to: Lisa Haugaard; Executive Director; Latin America Working Group; 424 C Street, NE; Washington, DC 20002; email: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it ; fax; 202.543.7647.

*Organization given for identification purposes only.
 

Nosotros apoyamos a las víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos en Colombia por el valiente trabajo que realizan en búsqueda de la verdad, la justicia y las reparaciones integrales. Damos la bienvenida a la Tercera Asamblea del Movimiento de Víctimas de Crímenes de Estado y sus valiosos esfuerzos por contribuir a la construcción de una sociedad más justa. La verdad y la justicia no son obstáculos para el camino de la paz. Más bien, son la base fundamental para una paz duradera en Colombia. Estamos juntos a las víctimas de la violencia en su reclamo por descubrir la verdad, consolidar el Estado de Derecho y decir, “Nunca mas”.

Heather Hanson
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

Gimena Sanchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America

Rev. James R. Stormes, SJ
Secretary for Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Rev. T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Susana Pimiento-Chamorro
Colombia Program Coordinator
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S./Labor Education in the Americas Project

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ, Justice and Witness Ministries

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

John I. Laun
President
Colombia Support Network

Kristele Younes
Advocate
Refugees International

Erik Cooke
Program Associate
Witness for Peace

Anne Barstow
Coordinator of Colombia Programs
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship