Nongovernmental Letters on Human Rights and U.S. Aid to Colombia

Conflict, Violence, and Murders of Colombian Activists Concern U.S. Groups

The Latin America Working Group (LAWG), Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), U.S. Office on Colombia (USOC), Center for International Policy (CIP), and the U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP) urge President Obama to refrain from declaring that key elements of the Labor Action Plan (LAP) linked to the Free Trade Agreement have been effectively implemented at this week’s Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia or in his subsequent meeting with Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos. The labor and human rights situation in Colombia has not improved sufficiently to implement the Free Trade Agreement.
 
On April 7, 2011, the U.S. and Colombian governments announced the signing of the U.S.-Colombia Labor Action Plan (LAP). In it, both governments expressed their commitment to provide a level playing field of economic opportunities for U.S. sectors as well as guarantees that Colombian workers would “have acceptable working conditions and respect for fundamental labor rights.” The Colombian government confirmed its obligation to protect internationally recognized labor rights, prevent violence against labor leaders, and prosecute the perpetrators of such violence. The LAP spells out critical changes needed to protect trade unionists, guard against labor rights abuses, eliminate the abusive associative labor cooperative (CTA) model, and advance prosecutions of perpetrators of anti-labor violence. The U.S. government announced that it was committed to reforming the security environment for all Colombians, addressing the needs of victims, and enhancing rule of law. Implementation of the key elements of the LAP is a precondition for the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement to enter into effect.
 
It is premature for the United States to declare sufficient progress under the terms of the LAP. In doing so, the U.S. government would lose a tremendous political opportunity to significantly improve labor rights in Colombia. While a number of laws and regulations have been issued, key elements of the LAP remain unfulfilled as evidenced in Colombia’s failure to fully ban problematic associative labor cooperatives and other forms of labor intermediation that bust unions. Furthermore, in priority sectors of the LAP including sugar and ports, businesses are turning to CTA-like models with different names to employ workers and deny them their rights. The Colombian government is not acting effectively to prevent this, as conditioned by the LAP. It remains a common practice to fire workers who wish to affiliate with trade unions and then to stigmatize these workers so that they cannot find employment elsewhere, driving them into poverty.
 
Union activists remain in grave danger in Colombia. Thirty trade unionists were murdered in 2011, and 4 unionists were killed so far in 2012. The security situation for human rights defenders significantly deteriorated in 2011 with attacks increasing by 36% compared to 2010. Of the 49 human rights defenders killed in 2010, 19 were indigenous leaders. Colombia needs to enforce the rule of law in order to send the signal to perpetrators that it will not tolerate further attacks against trade unionists, human rights, and community activists or other human rights violations.
 
Instead of making progress, Colombian government is taking steps backwards on human rights crimes. Military justice legislation under consideration by the Colombian Congress could lead to the prosecution of many kinds of human rights crimes committed by the military to return to military courts, thus rolling back historic advances in Colombian justice. The “legal framework for peace” bill would allow the judiciary to suspend existing sentences for any crimes committed by actors in the armed conflict. Not only do such provisions constitute a major boost towards guaranteeing impunity for human rights abuses, they also constitute a breach of the human rights conditions tied to U.S. military assistance towards Colombia.
 
While the Santos administration has improved its public rhetoric regarding human rights, the steps it has taken have failed to adequately improve protections for human rights defenders. President Santos’ flagship victims and land restitution law, an initiative we support in essence, is severely lacking in protection for victims. Even before the law has been fully applied, 26 land rights activists were killed during the Santos administration. Furthermore, new victims continue to be created in Colombia due to ongoing forced displacement linked to the conflict and abuses committed by the armed groups. For effective protection of communities, land rights activists, trade unionists, and human rights defenders to take place, the U.S. must express its grave concern for the expansion of paramilitary groups and encourage bold efforts to dismantle their operations. The Colombian government also needs to develop a well-financed and coordinated civilian agency plan to protect land rights activists and communities through careful consultation with affected parties.
 
Rather than making premature judgments about progress in labor and human rights—judgments that are not supported by facts—the United States should use the opportunity of the meeting in Cartagena to encourage its ally to make further reforms. Finally, the U.S. government should respond to a historic opportunity presented by the release of hostages—and the announcement by the FARC guerrillas that they are abandoning kidnapping for profit—to encourage a negotiated solution to the protracted conflict that has undermined security and human rights in Colombia for many decades.

For further information please contact:

Lisa Haugaard, Executive Director, Latin America Working Group (LAWG)
(202) 546-7010

Gimena Sanchez, Senior Associate, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
(202) 797-2171

Dana Brown, Executive Director, U.S. Office on Colombia (USOC)
(202) 232-8090

Abigail Poe, Deputy Director, Center for International Policy (CIP)
(202) 232-3317

Stephen Coats, Executive Director, U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP)
(773) 262-6502

CONTACT:                                                                                                                                                                                     
Lisa Haugaard, Latin America Working Group, 202-546-7010
Camilo Ramirez, Center for Constitutional Rights, 212-614-6463
                      

November 21, 2011 – Twenty-seven non-governmental organizations (NGOs) from across Canada, the United States and Mexico have signed statements and sent letters of support for the José Alvear Restrepo Lawyers Collective (CCAJAR) and the Inter-American Human Rights System in response to troubling statements questioning the credibility of CCAJAR and the Inter-American system made by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and other high-ranking Colombian officials.

The Colombian government made these statements after a woman recanted her previous testimony that her husband and sons had been killed in the 1997 massacre in the village of Mapiripán. CCAJAR had represented the woman, along with several other victims’ family members, in a case brought before the Inter-American Human Rights Court, which ruled in 2005, based upon evidence provided by the Colombian government, that the Colombian State held responsibility for the massacre and should conduct a thorough investigation to determine the identity of all the victims and pay them reparations. As the Inter-American Court wrote in its decision, “it is the State's obligation to properly investigate the human rights violations that have occurred in Colombia, which have cost the lives of thousands of Colombians and have taken place with the proven acquiescence or participation of agents of the State.”

All of the statements and letters of support from the different North American organizations highlight their extreme concern over the declarations made by Colombian government officials against CCAJAR. For example, in its November 16th letter to President Santos, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) identified problematic statements from the President himself, in which he attempts to discredit the Collective. CCR highlights how these statements are “outrageous to anyone who is familiar with the brave and committed work of CCAJAR for truth and justice on behalf of human rights victims.” Such statements continue to make Colombia a dangerous place for human rights defenders, given regular threats, illegal surveillance and infiltration to which human rights defenders are subject in Colombia.

Equally concerning to North American organizations are Colombian government statements that seek to undermine the Inter-American Human Rights System. As the CCR points out in its letter, the Inter-American System has been an invaluable resource for the many victims of grave human rights abuses. “Indeed,” writes the CCR, “the crisis of impunity for human rights violations in many countries, including Colombia, is often what necessitates victims turning to the Inter-American System.”

The November 21st NGO statement also makes reference to several other emblematic cases of human rights violations allegedly involving the Colombian military that are slated to be presented at the Inter-American System or reviewed by Colombian courts, as well as a proposed law that would remove human rights cases involving members of the military from civilian jurisdiction. The NGOs express their concern that these recent statements by Colombian government officials set a dangerous precedent for due process in these cases.

Letters and Statements from North American NGOs

• “North American NGOs and Human Rights Experts Condemn Colombia's Attack on Inter-American System,” signed by 25 NGOs, 21 November 2011.

• Open Letter to President Santos Re: Statements by the Colombian government Regarding Mapiripán Massacre Case, Center for Constitutional Rights, 16 November 2011.

• Open Letter to President Santos Re: Statements by the Colombian Government Regarding Mapiripán Massacre, National Lawyers Committee on Human Rights, 21 November 2011.

• "LWB Canada Troubled by Public Attacks against Its Partners in Colombia," Lawyers Without Borders Canada, 18 November 2011.

CONTACTO:                                         
Lisa Haugaard, Latin America Working Group, 202-546-7010
Camilo Ramirez, Center for Constitutional Rights, 212-614-6463

Veintisiete organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONGs) de Canadá, los Estados Unidos, y México han firmado comunicados y mandado cartas en apoyo al Colectivo de Abogados José Alvear Restrepo y al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos con respecto a las declaraciones preocupantes del Presidente colombiano Juan Manuel Santos y otros altos funcionarios colombianos que intentan poner en duda la integridad de CCAJAR y el Sistema Interamericano.

Los oficiales del gobierno colombiano hicieron estas declaraciones después de que una mujer retractó su testimonio anterior de que su marido y sus hijos habían sido asesinados en la masacre de Mapiripán en 1997. CCAJAR había representado a la mujer, junto con varios familiares de otras víctimas, en un caso llevado ante la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, que en 2005, basado en evidencia proporcionado por el gobierno colombiano, responsabilizó al estado colombiano por la masacre y falló que debía llevar a cabo una investigación exhaustiva para identificar a todas las víctimas y pagarles las reparaciones. Como la Corte declaró en su fallo, “es obligación del Estado investigar debidamente las violaciones a los derechos humanos ocurridas en Colombia que han costado la vida a miles de colombianos y que han contado con la comprobada aquiescencia y/o participación de agentes estatales.”

Todos los comunicados y las cartas de apoyo de las ONGs de América del Norte destacan su gran preocupación por las declaraciones hechas por funcionarios del gobierno colombiano en contra de CCAJAR. Por ejemplo, en su carta del 16 de noviembre al Presidente Santos, el Centro de Derechos Constitucionales (CCR) identificó algunas declaraciones problemáticas del propio Presidente, en los que intenta desacreditar el Colectivo. CCR señala que estas declaraciones son “indignantes para cualquiera persona que conozca el trabajo valiente y dedicado de CCAJAR a causa de la verdad y la justicia para las víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos.” Tales declaraciones ponen en riesgo a los defensores de derechos humanos en Colombia, dado el contexto de amenazas constantes, el seguimiento y la infiltración ilegales a los que los defensores son objetos.

Igualmente preocupante a las ONGs son las declaraciones del gobierno colombiano que intentan socavar el Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Como señala el CCR en su carta, el Sistema Interamericana ha sido un recurso inestimable para las víctimas numerosas de graves violaciones de derechos humanos. “De hecho,” escribe el CDC, “es precisamente la crisis de impunidad por las violaciones a los derechos humanos que se han cometido en muchos países, incluyendo Colombia, la cual ha forzado a las víctimas a acudir al Sistema Interamericano.”

La declaración de las ONGs también hace referencia a otros casos emblemáticos de violaciones de  derechos humanos con presunto participación las fuerzas colombianas que van a ser vistos por el Sistema Interamericano o por tribunales colombianos, así como un proyecto de ley que extenderá el fuero militar. Expresan su preocupación de que estas declaraciones recientes por los oficiales del Gobierno colombiano establezcan un precedente peligroso para el debido proceso en estos casos.

Cartas y comunicados de NGOs de América del Norte

• “Organizaciones de toda América del Norte expresan su apoyo a CCAJAR y al Sistema Interamericano de Derechos Humanos,” firmado por by 27 NGOs, 21 noviembre 2011.

• Carta abierta al Presidente Santos Re: Declaraciones por el Gobierno colombiano con respecto al caso de la masacre de Mapiripán, Center for Constitutional Rights, 16 noviembre 2011. 

• Carta abierta al Presidente Santos Re: Declaraciones del Gobierno colombiano con respecto a la masacre de Mapiripán, National Lawyers Committee on Human Rights, 21 noviembre 2011.

• "ASF Canadá preocupada por los ataques públicos en contra de sus socios en Colombia," Abogados Sin Fronteras Canadá, 21 noviembre 2011.

As Colombians go to the polls May 30th, they will elect a president who will have a historic opportunity to change the lives of millions of Colombians affected in profound and tragic ways by the country’s enduring armed conflict. The Latin America Working Group and partner organizations have sent an open letter to Colombia’s presidential and vice presidential candidates to ask them how they will lead the nation in building a more just and inclusive society that promotes and respects the rights of all its citizens. 

S.E. Álvaro Uribe Vélez
Presidente de la República
Cra. 8 #7-26
Palacio de Nariño
Bogotá
Colombia

Dear President Uribe:

We write to express our deep concern about the recent wave of threats, attacks and killings of human rights defenders and trade unionists in connection with the March 6 demonstrations against state and paramilitary human rights violations. We urge you to publicly and immediately adopt effective measures to stop this violence.

Over the course of one week, between March 4 and March 11, four trade unionists, some of whom were reportedly associated with the March 6 demonstration, were killed. Members of human rights organizations have also been subject to a large number of physical attacks and harassment. Their offices have also been broken into and equipment and files have been stolen.

In recent weeks a large number of human rights organizations, including la Asociación MINGA, the Colombian Commission of Jurists, Reiniciar, CODHES, the Movement of Victims of State Crimes (MOVICE), and Ruta Pacífica de Mujeres have received threats purportedly coming from the Black Eagles. One threat sent by email on March 11 specifically named twenty-eight human rights defenders. The threat, which was signed by the paramilitary group “Metropolitan Front of the Black Eagles in Bogotá,” accused the individuals of being guerrillas, referred explicitly to the March 6 demonstrations and stated that they would be killed promptly. The next day, another paramilitary email threat to various other groups announced a “total rearmament of paramilitary forces.” In addition to national human rights groups, the threats have targeted the international organization Peace Brigades International Colombia Project (PBI), the news magazine Semana, the Workers Central Union (CUT), indigenous organizations, and opposition politicians. A large number of additional recent instances of harassment, attacks and threats are currently being documented by national human rights groups.

This string of threats and attacks calls directly into question the effectiveness of the paramilitary demobilization process. Indeed, the Organization of American States has reported that twenty-two armed groups linked to the paramilitaries remain active around the country and has expressed “serious doubts about the effectiveness of demobilization and disarmament.”

We are especially concerned by the fact that the threats and attacks came shortly after a series of public accusations made by your presidential advisor, José Obdulio Gaviria, against the organizers of the March 6 protest. On February 10 and 11, on national radio, Mr. Gaviria suggested that the march’s organizers, including specifically Iván Cepeda (spokesman of MOVICE), were affiliated with the abusive guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Your government issued statements on February 15 and March 14 promising to guarantee the rights of those participating in the March 6 protest. However neither statement deterred Mr. Gaviria from continuing his stream of accusations on February 17 and March 20. His latest statement, suggesting that Mr. Cepeda is essentially a member of the FARC, is particularly outrageous coming after the recent wave of attacks and threats.

Baseless comments such as these are profoundly damaging to Colombian democracy and human rights, and place those against whom they are made in direct danger of violence.  These statements stigmatize the legitimate work of thousands of human rights defenders, trade unionists, and victims, and can have a chilling effect on the exercise of rights to freedom of expression and free association.  And in a country like Colombia, with its record of political violence, statements like these only contribute to a climate of political intolerance that fosters violence.  Indeed, on February 11, the day after Mr. Gaviria first made the comments, the supposedly demobilized AUC paramilitary group released a statement on its website echoing Mr. Gaviria’s attacks on Mr. Cepeda and the victims’ movement.

It is precisely because prior administrations recognized the importance of respecting the work of human rights defenders and others, that Presidential Directive 7 of 1999 and Presidential Directive 7 of 2001 are now in place. Both directives order public servants “to abstain from questioning the legitimacy of… NGOs and their members… and to abstain from making false imputations or accusations that compromise the[ir] security, honor and good name…” Directive 7 of 1999 further clarifies that public servants must not “make affirmations that disqualify, harass or incite harassment of said organizations… [nor] emit … declarations that stigmatize the work of these organizations.”

We urge you to combat this wave of violence by:

1. Disavowing, in public and before national media, the statements made by Mr. Gaviria and others linking the March 6 protest organizers to guerillas; rejecting the recent wave of threats and attacks; reaffirming your government’s support for, and protection of, the legitimate work of human rights defenders and trade unionists; and ensuring that no further inflammatory remarks are made by members of your government;
2. Ensuring a prompt, impartial and comprehensive investigation into each of the recent killings, attacks and death threats. It is vital that those responsible for these attacks are held responsible. Any supposedly demobilized persons who participated in or ordered these crimes should be stripped of their paramilitary demobilization benefits, and you should take decisive action to dismantle paramilitary groups and break their links to state officials in accordance with United Nations recommendations;
3. Providing protective measures to those individuals named in the March 11 death threats, as well as to other persons who have been subject to attacks or threats, and personally holding meetings with victims, trade unionists, and human rights defenders who have been affected by the recent attacks to listen to their concerns.
   

Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter.

Sincerely,

Andrew Hudson
Human Rights Defenders Program
Human Rights First

José Miguel Vivanco
Americas Director
Human Rights Watch

Renata Rendón
Advocacy Director for the Americas
Amnesty International USA

Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International

John Arthur Nunes
President and CEO
Lutheran World Relief

Joy Olson
Executive Director
Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America

James R. Stormes, S.J.
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S. Labor Education in the Americas Project (USLEAP)

Robert Guitteau Jr.
Interim Director
US Office on Colombia

Heather Hanson
Director of Public Affairs
Mercy Corps

Mark Johnson
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation

Mark Harrison
Director, Peace with Justice
United Methodist Church, General Board of Church and Society

Monika Kalra Varma
Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights

Viviana Krsticevic
Executive Director
Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL)

Joe Volk
Executive Secretary
Friends Committee on National Legislation

Melinda St. Louis
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Atossa Soltani
Executive Director
Amazon Watch

Bert Lobe
Executive Director
Mennonite Central Committee

Rick Ufford-Chase
Executive Director
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Jim Vondracek
Managing Director
Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America

Charo Mina-Rojas
AFRODES USA

T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Cristina Espinel
Director
Colombia Human Rights Committee, Washington DC

Phil Jones
Director
Church of the Brethren Witness/Washington Office

cc.
Vice President Francisco Santos
Vice President of the Republic of Colombia
Cra. 8 No. 7-57
Bogota
Colombia

Mr. Carlos Franco
Programa Presidencial de Derechos Humanos
Calle 7 No 6 – 54
Bogota D.C
Colombia

Mr. Thomas A. Shannon
Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

Mr. David J. Kramer
Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Rights, and Labor
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

Ambassador William R. Brownfield
U.S. Ambassador to Colombia
U.S. Embassy in Colombia
Calle 24 Bis No. 48-50
Bogotá, D.C.
Colombia

Ambassador Carolina Barco
Ambassador of Colombia to the United States
Embassy of Colombia in the United States
2118 Leroy Place, NW
Washington, DC 20008

Click here to see a PDF version that includes footnotes.

Dear Honorable Representative or Senator,

We are heartened to see the improvements made in U.S. policy towards Colombia in both the House and Senate FY08 foreign operations appropriations bills. The increased emphasis on rural development and the justice sector will help Colombia more effectively conduct counternarcotics efforts while strengthening its democratic institutions and the rule of law. As you meet to reconcile the two bills, we urge you to advocate for the greater allocation for rural development  and the improved balance between military and non-military assistance contained in the House bill and to support the new direction both bills present.

While rule-of-law programs are sometimes referred to as part of the “soft side” of the package, these programs will help the Colombian government get tough on drug traffickers and human rights abusers. Vigorous investigation and prosecution of paramilitary leaders who have committed gross violations or who continue to traffic drugs and foster violence are essential if the demobilization process is to reduce violence and weaken organized crime. Expanding victims’ access to justice, strengthening victim and witness protection and improving oversight and human rights performance of government security forces will build confidence in the rule of law and contribute to conflict resolution.

The increased resources for rural development, including for programs to help small farmers turn away from illegal drug production, are a sensible and much-needed improvement. While the aerial spraying program is perceived as tough—and indeed it is tough on the small farmer families whose food crops have been destroyed along with illegal drug crops—it has not worked. According to the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), in 2006 Colombia produced slightly more coca than at the start of the United States’ $5.4 billion investment in 2000. Aerial spraying has moved coca production from one area of the country to the next, with intensifying conflict and environmental damage following the expansion of coca into new areas. After seven years of spraying, it is time to focus on a more sustainable approach. While rural development programs with voluntary manual eradication require time and patience, if devised and implemented with close cooperation from local communities, they can provide a more permanent solution to illicit drug production, as well as reduce the factors that fuel the conflict.

We also greatly appreciate the specific dedication of development assistance and human rights safeguards for Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities, which have suffered disproportionately from poverty and conflict. Finally, we ask that the final law contain the maximum funding possible for programs to benefit Colombia’s internally displaced population.

These adjustments to the aid package represent continued strong support for Colombia. Indeed, these changes will help the government of Colombia consolidate the comprehensive presence of the state in areas long abandoned, where coca and poppy production has expanded, armed groups of the left and the right have shown absolute disregard for human rights, and the conflict has brutally raged. We would also note that the increased revenues approved by the Colombian government available this year from its “war tax” were limited to military and police support, making it even more important to focus U.S. assistance on underlying rule of law, economic and social justice concerns.

We urge you to include the substantial allocation for rural development included in the House bill.  And as you consider future directions for U.S. policy towards Colombia, we ask you to prioritize support for rural development and strengthening the rule of law, and to increase emphasis on programs for the victims of the conflict.

John Arthur Nues
President and CEO
Lutheran World Relief

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)

Ken Hackett
President
Catholic Relief Services

Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International

Mark L. Schneider
Senior Vice President
International Crisis Group*

Raymond C. Offenheiser
President
Oxfam America

George Vickers
Senior Policy Analyst
Open Society Policy Center

Rev. Kenneth J. Gavin, S.J.
National Director
Jesuit Refugee Service/USA

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office
Presbyterian Church (USA)

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

John Walsh
Senior Associate for the Andes and Drug Policy
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)

Melinda St. Louis
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Nancy Lindborg
President
Mercy Corps

Rev. Dr. John R. Deckenback
Conference Minister
Central Atlantic Conference
United Church of Christ

Theo Sitther
Legislative Associate for International Affairs
Mennonite Central Committee U.S. Washington Office

T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM)

Robin Buyers
Colombia Team Support Coordinator
Christian Peacemaker Teams

James R. Stormes, S.J.
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Heather Hanson
Executive Director
US Office on Colombia

Stan Hastey
Minister for Mission and Ecumenism
Alliance of Baptists

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ, Justice and Witness Ministries

Angela Berryman
Interim Assistant General Secretary for Peace and Conflict Resolution
American Friends Service Committee

Cristina Espinel
Co-coordinator
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Marty Jordan
Co-Director
Guatemala Human Rights Commission/USA (GHRC)


To respond to this letter, please reply to: Lisa Haugaard; Executive Director; Latin America Working Group; 424 C Street, NE; Washington, DC 20002; email: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it ; fax; 202.543.7647.

*Organization given for identification purposes only.
 

Nosotros apoyamos a las víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos en Colombia por el valiente trabajo que realizan en búsqueda de la verdad, la justicia y las reparaciones integrales. Damos la bienvenida a la Tercera Asamblea del Movimiento de Víctimas de Crímenes de Estado y sus valiosos esfuerzos por contribuir a la construcción de una sociedad más justa. La verdad y la justicia no son obstáculos para el camino de la paz. Más bien, son la base fundamental para una paz duradera en Colombia. Estamos juntos a las víctimas de la violencia en su reclamo por descubrir la verdad, consolidar el Estado de Derecho y decir, “Nunca mas”.

Heather Hanson
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

Gimena Sanchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America

Rev. James R. Stormes, SJ
Secretary for Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Rev. T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Susana Pimiento-Chamorro
Colombia Program Coordinator
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S./Labor Education in the Americas Project

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ, Justice and Witness Ministries

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

John I. Laun
President
Colombia Support Network

Kristele Younes
Advocate
Refugees International

Erik Cooke
Program Associate
Witness for Peace

Anne Barstow
Coordinator of Colombia Programs
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Declaración de apoyo a los Defensores de Derechos Humanos de Colombia

En los últimos meses, se ha registrado un alarmante incremento en los ataques y amenazas en contra de los defensores de derechos humanos y líderes de la sociedad civil colombiana. Las organizaciones de derechos humanos, asociaciones de víctimas, grupos indígenas, defensores de los derechos laborales y periodistas y medios independientes, todos ellos de prestigio internacional, han sido víctimas de asesinato y de amenazas de muerte a través de correo electrónico y de robos tanto en sus oficinas como en sus hogares aparentemente para encontrar información. Estamos sumamente preocupados por la seguridad de todos aquellos que están siendo acosados y amenazados. También nos preocupa la posibilidad de que esta ola de ataques contra la libertad de expresión coarte la capacidad de la sociedad civil colombiana de trabajar por la paz y lograr un mayor respeto por los derechos humanos. Instamos al gobierno colombiano y a nuestro propio gobierno en sus niveles más altos a unirse a nuestra preocupación por tales amenazas y a reconocer el trabajo que emprenden esos líderes civiles y sus organizaciones hacia la construcción y protección de una sociedad democrática.

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Viviana Krsticevic
Executive Director
Centro por la Justicia y el Derecho Internacional (CEJIL)

Heather Hanson
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

T. Michael McNulty, SJ
Justice and Peace Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

James R. Stormes SJ
Secretary for Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Mark L. Schneider
Sr. Vice President
International Crisis Group

Neil Hicks
Director of International Programs
Human Rights Defenders Program

Kristele Younes
Advocate
Refugees International

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S./Labor Education in the Americas Project

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ, Justice and Witness Ministries

Gimena Sanchez-Garzoli
Senior Associate for Colombia and Haiti
Washington Office on Latin America

Susana Pimiento-Chamorro
Colombia Program Coordinator
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

John I. Laun
President
Colombia Support Network

Erik Cooke
Program Associate
Witness for Peace

Anne Barstow
Coordinator of Colombia Programs
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Click here to read the letter.

Click here to read the statement.

The Honorable Condoleezza Rice
U.S. State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Secretary of State Rice,

We, the undersigned non-governmental organizations, write to express our profound concern and deepest condemnation of the recent massacre of eight civilians, including three children, in the hamlets of Mulatos and Resbalosa, a few miles from the peace community of San José de Apartadó, Colombia. In light of allegations of involvement by members of the Colombian military, it is essential that the U.S. government send a strong signal by insisting that an effective investigation be conducted by civilian authorities. The State Department must include this case in its evaluation of Colombian compliance with U.S. human rights conditions, and must refrain from certification until a credible investigation has been completed.

According to information received from the field, between February 21 and 22 Luis Eduardo Guerra, a well-known leader of the San José de Apartadó Peace Community, his eleven-year-old son and his companion were detained by armed men who identified themselves as belonging to the Colombian military. Alfonso Bolivar Tuberquía, a member of the Peace Council of the hamlet in Mulatos, and his family also disappeared. Several local people later discovered blood and human remains in two sites in the area.

On February 25, the Peace Community organized a fact-finding mission to the hamlets of Mulatos and Resbalosa. At the same time, a governmental judicial commission carried out an exhumation of the grave found on the farm of Mr. Tuberquía and found mutilated bodies (three adults and two children, aged six and two years old). In La Resbalosa, members of the community recognized the bodies of Luis Eduardo Guerra and his family. It is shocking that a community which is the recipient of provisional protection measures from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, and for which the Colombian Constitutional Court requested effective protection measures in March 2004, would be subjected to such a brutal and cruel attack.
The judicial commission itself came under attack, resulting in the death of one policeman. Police sources allege that the attack on the commission was carried out by the FARC. We vigorously condemn the attack upon judicial authorities and call for a thorough investigation into this incident as well.

In light of the allegations of military involvement in the killing of members of the San Jose de Apartadó community, we ask that your office not certify Colombian compliance with the human rights conditions, until such time as the Colombian government has conducted a transparent, impartial, effective investigation into the massacre, and is proceeding to prosecute those responsible. Given the nature of the crimes, prosecution must take place within the civilian justice system.

In addition, the Department of State should undertake the following actions:

- Direct the U.S. Embassy to release a public statement condemning the massacre, expressing concern for the safety of the residents of the community and calling on the Colombian government to ensure that civilian judicial authorities conduct a full and impartial investigation into the killings of these eight persons;

--Insist that the Colombian Government take effective measures to ensure the safety of the residents of San José de Apartadó community and the Colombian non-governmental organizations who have denounced the crimes. Protective actions should be fully consulted with the community, as required by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights' provisional measures.

-Encourage the U.S. Ambassador to visit the community to express condolences on behalf of the people of the United States for the losses suffered, and to show support for the safety of the community.

Colombian and international human rights organizations have repeatedly opposed the certification of the human rights conditions because of continuing evidence of collaboration between sectors of the armed forces and paramilitaries, and because of evidence of human rights violations directly committed by members of the armed forces. Effective, impartial investigation and prosecution by civilian authorities in this new case is a minimally necessary step, but it should not be considered sufficient to justify compliance. The Department of State should thoroughly review the requirements for vigorous investigation and prosecution, and the severing of ties with paramilitaries, before again certifying compliance.

In closing, we ask that your office inform us as to the actions taken to ensure justice for Luis Eduardo Guerra, his family and colleagues.

Thank you for your attention to this important matter.
Sincerely,

Alexandra Arriaga
Director for Government Relations
Amnesty International USA

Joy Olson
Executive Director
Washington Office on Latin America

José Miguel Vivanco
Executive Director for the Americas
Human Rights Watch

James R. Stormes SJ
Secretary, Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office
Presbyterian Church (USA)

Pat Clark
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation

Cristina Espinel and Kelleen Corrigan
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Adam Isacson
Program Director
Center for International Policy

Krisanne Vaillancourt Murphy
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Mary Ellen McNish
General Secretary
American Friends Service Committee

Todd Howland
Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights

Kenneth H. Bacon
President
Refugees International

Patricia Burkhardt
Legislative Officer
Church Women United

Neil Jeffery
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

Saul Murcia
Co-Director Latin America & Caribbean
Mennonite Central Committee

Shannon Lockhart
Administrator
Sister Parish, Inc.

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries

Kathryn Wolford
President
Lutheran World Relief

Max L. Gimbel
Director of Research
Guatemala Human Rights Commission

Phil Jones
Director
Church of the Brethren Witness/Washington Office

Gary L. Cozette
Director
Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America

Martha Pierce
Director
Chicago Metropolitan Sanctuary Alliance

Ted Lewis
Human Rights Program Director
Global Exchange

Bob Schwartz
Executive Director
Disarm Education Fund

Tom Bamat
Representative for Colombia
Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns

Marino Córdoba
Executive Director
Afrodes–USA

Pam Bowman
Legislative Coordinator
School of the Americas Watch

Terry Collingsworth
Executive Director
International Labor Rights Fund

Peter Laarman
Executive Director
Progressive Christians Uniting

Dr. Rita Nakashima Brock
Director
Faith Voices for the Common Good


To reply to this letter, respond to: Lisa Haugaard, Executive Director, Latin America Working Group, 424 C Street NE, Washington, DC 20002.


Cc: Ambassador William Burns, Acting Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs
Roger Noriega, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs
Ambassador Michael Kozak, Acting Assistant Secretary of State,
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Danika Walters, Program Officer, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Lisa Bobby Hughes Schreiber, Director, Office of Andean Affairs
Heather Merritt, Colombia Desk Officer

The Honorable Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
The State Department
2201 C Street NW
Washington, DC 20520

Dear Secretary Rice,

We the undersigned non-governmental organizations of the United States wish to express our support for the donor conference in Cartagena. We consider the process initiated in London to be an extraordinary opportunity for the international community to support the Colombian people and institutions in their efforts to develop solutions to the country's severe problems, exacerbated by more that 40 years of armed conflict. In particular feel it is important to recognize the critical role of Colombian civil society in shaping the process, and the support that they have received from the G-24 group of international governments.

We welcome the possibility of new economic and social aid for Colombia to address the impact of the internal armed conflict. However we believe strongly that U.S. support to Colombia should be more than just financial aid; rather it should improve the security of all Colombians, strengthen the rule of law, increase respect for human rights and international humanitarian law and assist in the search for a negotiated settlement to the conflict. We feel that support for the recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights as set out in the London declaration is the most appropriate and effective way to achieve these goals.

While we look favorably on any advance in the peace process, we are seriously concerned that without a legal framework in place the present demobilization plans are effectively granting impunity to AUC members responsible for gross human rights violations and failing to dismantle paramilitary structures. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in a recent report confirmed that the "demobilisation mechanisms have not been accompanied by comprehensive measures to provide relief to the victims of the violence or to clarify the many criminal acts that remain in impunity...therefore the factors generating the conflict in large measure persist"

In particular, we urge that the final declaration

1) recognize the process established in London in July 2003;

2) recognize the critical role of civil society in shaping the future of Colombia, and provide mechanisms by which the G-24 group can continue to support dialogue between the Colombian authorities and civil society;

3) recognize the fundamental contribution of the United Nations in developing solutions to the conflict, particularly through the work of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the Secretary General's Special Representative;

4) urge the Colombian Government to make demonstrable and timely progress in complying with the recommendations of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights;

5) establish as a fundamental prerequisite to any international funding for the paramilitary demobilization process the inclusion of a legal framework finalized by the Colombian Congress, that satisfies requirements for truth, justice and reparation in compliance with standards and principles of international law, accompanied by an appropriate mechanism for effective implementation and verification;

6) explicitly recognize the existence of an armed conflict in Colombia, requiring full observance of international humanitarian law.

We appreciate your attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Neil Jeffery
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

Joy Olson
Executive Director
Washington Office on Latin America

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group *

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
U.S./Labor Education in the Americas Project

Krisanne Vaillancourt
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

British Robinson
National Director of Social and International Ministries
Jesuit Conference USA

Cristina Espinel and Kelleen Corrigan
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Barbara Gerlach
Colombia Liaison
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries

Jacqueline Baker
Legislative Coordinator
School of the Americas Watch

Sr. Marta Inés Toro, OP
Justice and Peace Coordinator
Dominican Sisters of the Presentation


* Organization designated for identification purposes only

Cc
Andrew Natsios, Administrator, United States Agency for International Development
Michael Kozak, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, United States Department of State
Danika Walters, Program Officer, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, United States Department of State
Heather Merritt, Colombia Desk Officer, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, United States Department of State

Senator Christopher Dodd
Senator Russell Feingold
Senator Patrick Leahy
Senator Mitch McConnell

Representative Jim Kolbe
Representative Nita M. Lowey
Representative James P. McGovern

Dear President Bush and Senator Kerry:

As representatives of a broad range of U.S. churches and faith communities we are calling upon you as a presidential candidate to commit to a serious reassessment of current U.S. policy towards Colombia. We believe it is time to envision a new strategy to respond to the needs of both nations and to work for the peace and security of our respective peoples.

Colombia is one of the most dangerous places on earth to be a religious leader, a promoter of peace, or human rights defender. The danger is consistently brought to light as astonishing numbers of religious and civil society leaders are assassinated, threatened and detained. The suffering of the Colombian churches and their call to us for assistance and solidarity compel us to appeal to you to seriously consider recommendations for a new U.S. policy toward Colombia that are outlined below.

We believe it is of great importance for the United States to remain engaged with the government of Colombia and Colombian civil society organizations, but to do so in a manner that will support aspirations for a just and sustainable peace as well as effectively address our shared concerns about drug production and consumption.

In this light, we respectfully urge you to include the following recommendations in a new vision for U.S. policy towards Colombia:

I. A greater commitment to a negotiated, political path towards peace.

After forty years of an ever-escalating armed conflict that has claimed the lives of tens of thousands, Colombian Catholic and Protestant church representatives have been clear that a negotiated political process, though difficult and contentious, is essential to the resolution of the current conflict. Every effort should be made to achieve a politically negotiated peace process inclusive of civil society participation, and based upon verification of ‘truth, justice and the provision of reparations for the victims of war.’

We call upon both Presidential campaigns to make a greater commitment to support Colombian and international efforts towards a negotiated resolution of the conflict in Colombia.

II. Increased attention to social concerns as a preferred long-term strategy to sustainable peace.

The conflict in Colombia and involvement of peasant farmers in coca production is deeply rooted in social and economic exclusion of many of its citizens. Many of the areas most in conflict have little or no social infrastructure or viable economic options. Strategies that rely primarily on military aid or fumigation, and provide only limited social investment in local communities, will not create lasting change.

The United States can make a significant positive contribution to long-term peace and stability in Colombia by shifting the focus of its foreign aid towards a much greater emphasis on effective social development. There are an increasing number of initiatives throughout the country of local governments, churches, and civil society coming together to create lasting alternatives to overt violence and the inequality and poverty that have sustained it. These initiatives, and the communities they serve, could greatly benefit from development funding – with long-term benefit for thousands of people.

The situation of internal displacement in Colombia is a crisis of staggering proportions – and one of the most serious in the world. Almost three million people have been displaced from their homes since 1985. Churches locally and internationally are responding to the great needs of Colombia’s internally displaced, a group that most aptly represents the human face of suffering in the country. We are grateful for the attention provided to refugees and internally displaced persons through U.S. aid, and see this as a positive contribution of U.S. policy toward Colombia. Yet much more remains to be done.

We call for a greater proportion of the U.S. aid to Colombia to be dedicated to investment in sustainable development, humanitarian aid and the defense of human rights.

III. Humane drug policies that meet the needs of those most directly impacted.

We share a deep concern about the consumption and production of illicit drugs. Billions of dollars have been spent on fumigation and interdiction yet, drug consumption continues unabated in our communities, drug offenses have exploded the prison populations, and treatment programs go under funded. This approach is not working.

The churches and faith communities in the U.S. and Colombia are painfully aware of the devastation of drugs in the lives of individuals, families and our communities. We see the end results every day and minister to affected families. It is precisely because we are so well versed in the human costs of the drug crisis that we are well placed to call for effective drug policies that will have lasting impact in all of our communities.

As the Office of National Drug Control Policy’s January 2004 Pulse Check Study of drug abuse in 25 U.S. cities states: powder and crack cocaine remains readily available and there are no clear positive trends on price and purity. As church organizations, we do not claim expertise on the best demand reduction strategies, but we urge you to shift the focus of current drug policy.

We call for increased drug treatment programs and realistic, pragmatic prevention strategies as a much more sustainable and humane way to achieve the goal of reducing drug abuse in the United States.

Thank you for your attention to the great courage and great needs of our Colombian brothers and sisters. We hope to work with you as we seek durable solutions for all affected communities.


Signed,

National Heads of Communion and Faith-Based Organizations

Rev. John L. McCullough
Executive Director and CEO
Church World Service

Rev. Dr. Robert Edgar
General Secretary
National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA

Rev. Ronald D. Witherup, S.S.
President
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Kathryn Wolford
President
Lutheran World Relief

Bruce Wilkinson
Senior Vice President
International Programs Group
World Vision

Rev. John Thomas
General Minister and President
United Church of Christ

The Reverend Mark S. Hanson
Presiding Bishop
Evangelical Lutheran Church in America

James Winkler
General Secretary
General Board of Church and Society of The United Methodist Church

The Most Rev. Frank T. Griswold
Presiding Bishop and Primate
The Episcopal Church, USA

Rev. Dr. Clifton Kirkpatrick
Stated Clerk
Presbyterian Church (USA)

Rosanne Rustemeyer, SSND
Executive Director
U.S. Catholic Mission Association

Ken Hackett
President
Catholic Relief Services

Rev. Kenneth Gavin, S.J.
National Director
Jesuit Refugee Service/USA

Gail E. Mengel
National Board Minister
Church Women United

Carolyn Krebs, OP
President
Dominican Leadership

Marie Dennis
Director
Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns

Joe Volk
Executive Secretary
Friends Committee on National Legislation

Jim Wallis
Editor
Sojourners Magazine

Arlene DiMarco
Vice President
National Council of Catholic Women
Harrisburg, PA

Maureen Fenlon, OP
National Coordinator
NETWORK, A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby

Rev. Ron Stief
Minister and Team Leader
Washington Office
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries

J. Daryl Byler
Director
Mennonite Central Committee, Washington Office

Bishop Thomas J. Gumbleton
Auxiliary Bishop,
Archdiocese of Detroit
Detroit, MI

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director
Washington Office
Presbyterian Church, (USA)

US Jesuit Conference

Richard Parkins
Director
Episcopal Migration Ministries

Executive Council, Sisters of St. Francis

Brian Terrell
Executive Director
Catholic Peace Ministry
Des Moines, IA

Krisanne Vaillencourt
Executive Director
Witness for Peace

Patricia Clark
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation USA

Jim Atwood
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Sister Mary M McGlone
Executive Director,
FUVIRESE USA

Sisters of St. Joseph of Carondelet
Denver, CO

Dr. Monika K. Hellwig
President
Association of Catholic Colleges and Universities
Washington, DC

Phil Reed, M.Afr.
Coordinator, Justice and Peace Office
North American Province
Society of Missionaries of Africa

Click here to view the letter.

We, the undersigned organizations, are appalled by the June 15th massacre in La Gabarra, Colombia. Reports indicate that this was an unjustifiable attack targeting civilians, killing 34 and wounding 7. Although there is an ongoing investigation, witnesses and the Colombian authorities allege that Front 33 of the FARC is responsible for what the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Bogotá has called a war crime.

We join with Colombian civil society organizations, the Colombian government, the United Nations and others in denouncing this attack in the strongest possible terms. Our deep-felt sympathies go out to the survivors and the families of the victims of this inexcusable violation of international humanitarian law.

We call on the Colombian government to carry out a thorough investigation to determine who is responsible and to bring the guilty parties to justice. We repeat our previous calls for all armed actors in Colombia to respect civilians in compliance with international humanitarian law. No political or social demands justify the targeting of civilians, which has become all too common in Colombia’s brutal internal conflict.

At the same time we reiterate our call on President Uribe to respect the vital role of national and international human rights groups in Colombia. Our work is essential to documenting human rights and international humanitarian law violations such as the La Gabarra massacre, and to ensuring justice for victims of human rights abuses.


Neil Jeffery
Executive Director
U.S. Office on Colombia

Kimberly Stanton
Deputy Director
Washington Office on Latin America

Sarah Ford
Director, Office of Public Policy
Lutheran World Relief

Saul Murcia
Co-Director
Latin America and Caribbean Programs
Mennonite Central Committee

Cristina Espinel and Barbara Gerlach
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Rev. Dr. Leonard B. Bjorkman
Co-Moderator
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Jacqueline Baker
Legislative Coordinator
School of the Americas Watch

Alexandra Arriaga
Director for Government Relations
Amnesty International-USA

Lisa Haugaard
Executive Director
Latin America Working Group *

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office
Presbyterian Church, (USA)

J. Gary Campbell
Parish Associate Minister
New York Ave. Presbyterian Church
Washington, D.C.

John Lindsay-Poland
Director
Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean
Fellowship of Reconciliation

James E. Atwood
National Capital Presbytery

* Organization designated for identification purposes only

Dear Member of Congress,

As you act upon the President’s foreign aid request, we ask you to consider carefully the direction of Colombia policy.  It is not the time to turn away, as Colombia is in the midst of a tremendous social, political and economic crisis.  But three years after initial passage of Plan Colombia, it is time to assess the impact of US aid, and understand that significant changes are essential.

We ask the Congress to:

1. Insist that the Colombian government end collusion between the Colombian armed forces and paramilitary forces responsible for severe human rights violations. Army tolerance for and involvement in paramilitary violations continues—and so does impunity for such crimes, as detailed by the United Nations’ and State Department’s March 2003 human rights reports.  According to the State Department, "some members of the security forces actively collaborated with members of paramilitary groups—passing them through roadblocks, sharing intelligence, providing them with ammunition, and allegedly even joining their ranks while off duty." Remarkably little progress has been made since the passage of the first substantial aid package in 2000 to investigate, prosecute and sanction high-level military officials who face credible allegations of collusion with and tolerance of paramilitary forces. Indeed, the current Attorney General has removed diligent prosecutors and investigators from cases involving high-level army officials implicated in corruption and abuse. Moreover, the United Nations’ March 2003 report states that direct violations by the Colombian armed forces increased in 2002.
   
   In an implicit recognition that Colombia was not meeting the human rights conditions Congress established, the FY2003 omnibus appropriations bill removed the conditions from 75% of military aid. This sent a disturbing message: if you perform poorly, we will lower our standards on human rights.
2. Shift attention to the social side of the equation. As alternative development efforts barely begin to take root and the humanitarian crisis of Colombia’s internally displaced escalates, the administration proposes a decrease in the already inadequate social aid to Colombia (according to the International Affairs  budget request summary for FY04, from $164 million requested for  FY2003 to $150 million requested for FY2004).*  The Congress should:
   
   
   • Increase alternative development and phase out aerial fumigation. While the welcome drop in coca cultivation in Colombia was cited as an example of success of the aerial spraying program, 44% of the drop in the Putumayo region, the main focus of eradication efforts, was attributed by USAID statistics to manual eradication with alternative development. Many farmers who were fumigated and not provided aid of any kind—either emergency food aid or crop substitution programs—moved to neighboring provinces to grow illicit crops once more. Yet aerial fumigation far outpaces alternative development: the United States sprayed over 122,000 hectares in 2002 alone while promoting alternative development on 24,550 hectares from 2001 to the present. Manual eradication accompanied by alternative development is a more humane and effective response.
   • Increase aid to the displaced and insist on better protection and assistance to the displaced by the Colombian government. The number of people displaced by political violence increased dramatically to 412,000 displaced during 2002, with Afro-Colombian and indigenous populations strongly affected, according to the respected Colombian nongovernmental agency CODHES. The Colombian government’s “early warning system” which, with US funding, is supposed to protect communities and prevent displacement, has functioned poorly as a protection mechanism.  Although the system issues numerous alerts, it rarely results in effective intervention to protect endangered communities. The Colombian government by law is supposed to provide three months of assistance, which is inadequate for families to rebuild their lives.  However, many do not receive even this limited aid. Moreover, the Uribe administration has embarked upon a policy of returning people to their land regardless of risky security conditions. The US government should insist that the Colombian government increase the length and quantity of humanitarian aid to the displaced, adhere to a policy of voluntary returns in consultation with communities, and improve its response to alerts from at-risk communities. In addition, the United States should increase its aid programs for displaced people.
3. Insist that security measures do not undermine the democracy they seek to protect. The Uribe administration, in its efforts to strengthen security, has introduced measures that reduce democratic rights and constitutional guarantees. These included emergency measures that permitted arrests, searches, and wiretaps without warrants. These expanded powers have already been used in questionable ways to carry out arbitrary detentions and to search the offices of nongovernmental organizations engaged in legitimate civic activity.  When these measures were struck down by Colombia’s constitutional court, the Uribe administration introduced a package of constitutional reforms into the Colombian legislature which would grant the military the same powers. The US government should insist that measures to increase security do not undermine basic democratic rights and guarantees.
4. Call upon the Colombian government to increase efforts to protect threatened labor leaders, religious leaders and human rights defenders. Colombia continues to lead the world in assassinations of labor leaders, while human rights defenders, religious leaders and other civil society leaders are threatened and killed with frightening regularity by paramilitaries and guerrillas. The US government should press the Colombian government for progress in investigating and prosecuting those responsible for such threats and attacks. The US government should continue to fund the Colombian government’s program to protect at-risk labor and human rights leaders, but must insist upon improvements in this program, which has been hampered by bureaucratic delays. Moreover, the US government should insist that the Colombian government take actions to sanction civilian and military officials who endanger civil society leaders by publicly equating nongovernmental organizations with guerrilla forces–as high-level officials have done recently.
5. Step back from escalating military involvement. US military aid to Colombia has spiraled from $100 million in 1998 to $600 million this year. More US troops are on Colombian soil than ever before (almost 400). Last year, Congress expanded the military-aid mission beyond the drug war, to something resembling Central-America-style counterinsurgency. Yet after $2.5 billion since 2000—80 percent of it for Colombia’s military and police—there has been no change in the availability of drugs in the United States.  Colombia’s violence has only intensified, including in Putumayo and Arauca, the areas of greatest US and Colombian security focus.  Despite repeated requests from Congress, the administration has been unable to articulate a coherent vision of its goals for Colombia or how it plans to use US resources to achieve them. Before getting more deeply involved without sufficient debate, we urge the Congress to consider the complexity, danger and dimension of Colombia’s conflict. Faced with what could become an enormous, open-ended commitment, Congress should question whether an overwhelmingly military strategy can ever succeed. It is time to shift resources from security assistance toward eliminating the causes of violence by fostering rural development, economic opportunity, and civilian, democratic governance.
6. Adequately fund effective drug treatment and prevention programs in the United States.   US eradication efforts chase drug production from one province of Colombia to another, from one Andean country to the next. Making substance-abuse treatment available for all who seek it will help address the problem of drugs at home and lessen the profits that fuel violence in Colombia.

We urge you to consider taking these important steps to ensure US policy towards Colombia actually accomplishes its stated goals, including combating the problem of drugs and strengthening human rights, the justice system, and democratic institutions in Colombia.

Sincerely,

Kathryn Wolford
President
Lutheran World Relief

Rev. Elenora Giddings Ivory
Director, Washington Office

Presbyterian Church (USA)

Patricia Forner
Advisor, Public Policy and Advocacy for Latin America and the Caribbean
World Vision

Kenneth Hackett
Executive Director
Catholic Relief Services

C. Richard Parkins
Director
Episcopal Migration Ministries

Adam Isacson
Director of Programs
Center for International Policy

Bill Spencer
Executive Director
Washington Office on Latin America

Charles Currie, S.J.
President
Association of Jesuit Colleges and Universities

Rev. Ruth Chavez Wallace
Acting Executive & Program Associate for Latin America and the Caribbean
United Church of Christ and Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) in the United States and Canada

Rev. Ron Stief
Minister and Team Leader
Washington DC Office
United Church of Christ Justice and Witness Ministries

Brenda Girton-Mitchell
Associate General Secretary for Public Policy
National Council of Churches

Neil Jeffrey
Executive Director
US Office on Colombia

Daniel Kovalik
Assistant General Counsel
United Steelworkers of America, AFL-CIO/CLC

Ed Clark
Executive Vice President
UNITE

Stan DeBoe, O.S.S.T.
Director of Justice & Peace
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Matthew Wade S.M.
Associate Director
Conference of Major Superiors of Men

Natalia Cardona
Latin America Caribbean Program
American Friends Service Committee

Saul Murcia
Co-Director, Latin America and Caribbean Program
Mennonite Central Committee

Margaret Swedish
Director
Religious Task Force on Central America & Mexico

Stephen Coats
Executive Director
US/Labor Education in the Americas Project

Todd Howland
Director
Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center for Human Rights

Phil Anderson
Director
Guatemala Human Rights Commission-USA

Rev. Jerrye G. Champion
National Board President
Church Women United

Brian R. Hinman
Washington Representative
Church World Service

Marie Dennis
Director
Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns

Ellen L. Lutz
Executive Director
Center for Human Rights and Conflict Resolution
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
Tufts University

Joe Volk
Executive Secretary
Friends Committee on National Legislation

Patricia Krommer C.S.J. and Rev. Chris Ponnet
Co-Directors
Pax Christi USA, Los Angeles Chapter

Laura M. Furst
National Organizer
Committee for Inter-American Human Rights

Wes Callender
Director
Voices on the Border

Terry Collingsworth
Executive Director
International Labor Rights Fund

Melinda St. Louis
Advocacy and Campaigns Coordinator
Witness for Peace

School of the Americas Watch

Cristina Espinel and Barbara Gerlach
Co-Chairs
Colombia Human Rights Committee

Kevin Martin
Executive Director
Peace Action

Sanho Tree
Director
Drug Policy Project
Institute for Policy Studies

Rev. James E. Atwood
L. William Yolton
Presbyterian Peace Fellowship

Roberto Pagán
President
Sindicato Puertorriqueño de Trabajadores/SEIU

John Lindsay-Poland
Coordinator
Task Force on Latin America and the Caribbean
Fellowship of Reconciliation

*Note: There is a lack of clarity regarding actual numbers of social aid for Colombia. Almost all social aid for Colombia comes from the Andean Counternarcotics Initiative, under INL, listed as "alternative development/institution building" in the International Affairs budget request summary for FY2004. That document lists a decline from $164 million requested for FY2003 to $150 million requested for FY2004 (p. 68).  AID's Colombia request remains nearly constant, from $151 million in FY2003 to $150 million in FY2004.  However, since other agencies besides AID draw from the ACI "alternative development/ institution building" account, a decline in that account suggests that the AID request is unlikely to be fully funded. In FY03, for example, ACI  funded AID, PRM (which includes important emergency assistance to displaced persons and refugees that supplements AID's longer-term aid to the displaced), DoJ, and INL programs considered "soft aid." It appears that AID Colombia programs were funded at approximately $117 million for FY03. Thus a decline in the ACI "alternative development/institution building" account could lead to less assistance for alternative development, aid to the displaced and other social aid.